Dr. Ali Fathollah-Nejad | Official Website | Statements
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Offener Brief von deutschen Nahost-Experten zur Gaza-Krise | Open Letter of German Middle East Experts on the Gaza Crisis

 

An:

Bundeskanzlerin Dr. Angela Merkel 

Bundesminister des Auswärtigen Dr. Frank-Walter Steinmeier 

Bundesminister für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung Dr. Gerd Müller 

Bundesminister für Wirtschaft und Energie Sigmar Gabriel 

Bundesministerin der Verteidigung Dr. Ursula von der Leyen 

Die außenpolitischen Sprecher der Fraktionen und Ausschuss für Auswärtige Angelegenheiten 

Die verteidigungspolitischen Sprecher der Fraktionen und verteidigungspolitischer Ausschuss 

Die entwicklungspolitischen Sprecher der Fraktionen und Ausschuss für wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und Entwicklung 

Die wirtschaftspolitischen Sprecher der Fraktionen und Ausschuss für Wirtschaft und Energie 

 

Dauerhaften Waffenstillstand erzielen, Blockade beenden – 

Entwicklungsperspektiven für Gaza, Westjordanland und Ostjerusalem schaffen

 

Wir, deutsche Nahostexpertinnen und -experten, beschäftigen uns professionell mit der Entwicklung in den besetzten palästinensischen Gebieten. Wir setzen uns im Bereich der Wissenschaft, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, Demokratie-, Friedens- und Menschenrechtsarbeit vor Ort in den besetzten palästinensischen Gebieten und in Deutschland für die Schaffung eines unabhängigen, demokratischen Staates Palästina, der in Frieden mit Israel und seinen Nachbarn leben kann, ein.

Über einem Monat haben wir einem zerstörerischen Krieg zusehen müssen, der alle diese Anstrengungen zunichte macht und auf Monate, möglicherweise auf Jahre hinaus die Entwicklungsperspektive des Gazastreifens beeinträchtigt und Hoffnungen auf einen dauerhaften Frieden in Nahost schmälert. Wir verurteilen die Anwendung von Gewalt zur Durchsetzung politischer Ziele. Gewalt, die sich gegen Zivilisten richtet, ist weder von militanten palästinensischen Gruppen noch von Seiten Israels zulässig.

In diesem Konflikt sind wir vor allem besorgt um Zivilisten in Palästina wie in Israel und in großer Sorge um unsere Partner/innen, Kollegen/innen und Freund/innen im Gazastreifen. Sie erleben wie alle Zivilisten mit ihren Familien einen Albtraum in dem schmalen Küstenstreifen, dem sie nicht entfliehen können. Die militärischen Angriffe, denen 1,8 Millionen Menschen schutzlos ausgesetzt waren, hinterlassen tiefe Wunden und schwere Traumata mit unvorhersehbaren Langzeitfolgen. Nach Angaben der Vereinten Nationen wurde eine halbe Million Menschen während des Krieges intern vertrieben; fast 2.000 Menschen wurden getötet, mehr als 10.000 verletzt, über 15% der Wohnhäuser und 230 Schulen beschädigt, davon 25 vollständig zerstört; die bereits unzureichende Infrastruktur, Wasserversorgung, Kläranlagen, das einzige Elektrizitätswerk bei Luftangriffen teilweise zerstört. Die Kapazitäten für die medizinische und humanitäre Versorgung sind erschöpft, unter anderem weil auch mehrere Krankenhäuser und UN-Einrichtungen bei Angriffen stark beschädigt wurden.

Wir arbeiten und forschen zur Entwicklung in den besetzten palästinensischen Gebieten, die gemäß internationalem Recht die Gebiete Westjordanland, Ostjerusalem und Gaza umfassen. In den letzten Jahren ist der Austausch zwischen diesen Gebieten immer schwieriger geworden, die Reisefreiheit von Palästinenserinnen und Palästinensern wird massiv eingeschränkt bzw. fast völlig verhindert. Das betrifft auch die Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter und die palästinensischen Partnerorganisationen der vor Ort tätigen deutschen und internationalen Organisationen, deren Entwicklungsziele so kaum umgesetzt werden können.

Insbesondere der Gazastreifen steht seit 2007 unter einer völlig kontraproduktiven Blockade, welche die Menschen in eine fatale Hilfsökonomie ohne Entwicklungsperspektiven gedrängt hat. Im Jahr 2012 veröffentlichten die Vereinten Nationen einen Bericht mit dem Titel „Gaza in 2020“, der schlussfolgert, dass bei einer Fortsetzung der Blockadepolitik die Lebensgrundlagen für die rasch wachsende Bevölkerung von 1,8 Millionen Menschen bis dahin völlig zerstört sein werden.

Die destruktive Blockade des Gazastreifens zu See, Land und Luft muss aufgehoben werden. Dies kann unter internationaler Kontrolle geschehen, die gewährleistet, dass keine Waffen in den Gazastreifen gelangen, um so den legitimen Sicherheitsinteressen Israels gerecht zu werden. Die israelische Zivilbevölkerung hat ein Recht auf ein Leben ohne Angst. Das gilt ebenso für alle Palästinenserinnen und Palästinenser. Fast 2.000 Opfer, nach UN-Schätzungen rund 80% Zivilisten, von denen wiederum nach UNICEF-Angaben bis zu 30% Kinder sind, dürfen nicht mit dem Argument des Anti-Terrorkampfes oder des Rechts auf Selbstverteidigung hingenommen werden. Die überwiegend jungen Menschen im Gazastreifen (mehr als die Hälfte der Bevölkerung ist unter 18 Jahre alt) brauchen dringend Perspektiven für ihre Zukunft. Sie benötigen eine bessere Ausbildung, ein Ende der Isolation und eine Normalisierung und Stabilisierung der Wirtschaft im Gazastreifen. Das würde einen entscheidenden Beitrag für die Sicherheit der Bevölkerung auf beiden Seiten leisten, denn eine rein militärische Bekämpfung von bewaffneten Gruppen, die sich von Verzweiflung und Hoffnungslosigkeit nähren, wird aussichtslos bleiben und erreicht erfahrungsgemäß das genaue Gegenteil.

Die Verwirklichung der Zweistaatenlösung als beste Garantie für die Sicherheit Israels sowie Palästinas ist ebenso wie das Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Palästinenser erklärtes Ziel deutscher Außenpolitik. Um diese Perspektive zu erhalten, ist ein Ende der Siedlungspolitik im Westjordanland und in Ostjerusalem, eine Stärkung der palästinensischen Präsenz in Ost-Jerusalem sowie die Aufhebung der Gaza-Blockade notwendig. Die im Juni gebildete parteilose palästinensische Übergangsregierung, die auf einem Versöhnungsabkommen von Fatah und Hamas basiert und die so genannten „Quartettbedingungen“ akzeptiert hat, ist dafür der legitime Ansprechpartner und muss politisch gestärkt werden.

Die Hamas bleibt, ungeachtet der Aktivitäten ihres militärischen Flügels, eine populäre politische Partei. Der Dialog mit den politischen Vertretern der Hamas sollte deshalb nicht länger verweigert werden, die Bilanz der Isolationspolitik seit dem Wahlsieg 2006 ist ernüchternd. Ein solcher Dialog muss eine deutliche, direkte Kritik an der inakzeptablen Haltung der Hamas in Fragen der Menschen- und Frauenrechte sowie die Forderung nach Anerkennung Israels im Rahmen eines Friedensabkommens, das die Festlegung der Grenzen verbindlich regelt, einschließen. Voraussetzung ist, dass die Hamas wie z.B. nach dem letzten Krieg 2012 einen verhandelten, dauerhaften Waffenstillstand einhält und auf terroristische Mittel verzichtet. Nur durch eine politische Einbindung und eine nachhaltige Konfliktregelung wird sich langfristig auch die Demilitarisierung ihrer Milizen durchsetzen lassen.

Ohne Aufhebung der Blockadepolitik gibt es keinerlei Entwicklungsperspektive für die Menschen in Gaza und keine Chance für die Zweistaatenlösung. Die Arbeit der Entwicklungsorganisationen vor Ort, für die einige von uns tätig sind, kann ohne grundlegende Änderung des Status Quo bestenfalls auf eine kurzfristige Nothilfe beschränkt bleiben. Milliarden von Euro, die in Staatsaufbau oder Entwicklung fließen, sind fehlinvestiert, wenn sie in der aktuellen oder der nächsten dann unweigerlich folgenden Welle der Gewalt zerstört werden. Das schadet in erster Linie den Menschen vor Ort. Es ist aber auch ein fahrlässiger Einsatz von deutschen Steuermitteln und ein verfehlter Ansatz für die Entwicklungs- und Demokratiearbeit.

Wir bitten Sie

  • sich für die Erreichung eines nachhaltigen Waffenstillstandes einzusetzen, der das weitere Sterben von Zivilisten auf beiden Seiten verhindert und der massiv bedrohten, überwiegend jungen Zivilbevölkerung in Gaza dauerhaften Schutz bietet;
  • gegenüber Ägypten und Israel die Aufhebung der Blockade des Gazastreifens durchzusetzen, um eine Normalisierung des Güter- und Personenverkehrs zu ermöglichen und dabei israelische Sicherheitsinteressen durch internationale Beobachter und Unterstützung zu gewährleisten;
  • Nothilfe und Wiederaufbaumaßnahmen in Gaza bereitzustellen, aber nicht ohne auch Israels völkerrechtliche Verantwortung als Besatzungsmacht für den Wiederaufbau einzufordern;
  • die bereits anerkannte, im Juni eingeschworene palästinensische Einheitsregierung und ihre Regierungsgewalt über den Gazastreifen sowie Handlungsfähigkeit in den gesamten palästinensischen Gebieten inklusive Ostjerusalems mit Nachdruck zu stärken;
  • die Tötung von Zivilisten vor und während der Angriffe auf den Gazastreifen zu untersuchen, zu einer internationalen Untersuchung aktiv beizutragen und den Beitritt Palästinas zum Internationalen Strafgerichtshof zu unterstützen. Gleichzeitig die Zerstörung ziviler Infrastruktur (so wie die Bombardierung des einzigen Elektrizitätswerkes von Gaza, Kläranlagen, Krankenhäuser etc.), die  seit Jahren mit EU- und bundesdeutschen Geldern finanziert wird, zu untersuchen und Kompensation von Israel einzufordern;
  • die restriktiven deutschen Rüstungsexportbestimmungen auch im Nahen Osten auf alle Konfliktparteien anzuwenden sowie die militärische Zusammenarbeit mit Israel auf den Prüfstand zu stellen;
  • sich mit Nachdruck für ein Ende der israelischen Besatzung der palästinensischen Gebiete einzusetzen und für beide Seiten verbindliche, völkerrechtskonforme Vorschläge für eine Konfliktregelung zu machen.

19. August 2014

Die Liste der Erst- und weiterer UnterzeichnerInnen finden Sie hier: https://sites.google.com/site/nahostexpertengaza/news

Weitere UnterzeichnerInnen melden sich bitte per E-Mail an: gaza_deuexperten@mail.de



OPEN LETTER OF OVER 150 GERMAN MIDDLE EAST EXPERTS ON THE GAZA CRISIS

NOTE: During the recent war on Gaza, over 150 German Middle East experts addressed an open letter to Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel and key members of her cabinet. The letter received coverage by prominent German media outlets, such as Spiegel Online and Zeit Online, spurred some debate in the German public on Germany’s foreign relations towards Israel and its policies towards the Middle East in general and Gaza in particular. The letter was further addressed to Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development Gerd Müller, Minister for Economic Affairs and Energy Sigmar Gabriel and Minister of Defence Ursula von der Leyen. In addition, it was sent to the German Bundestag’s Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Defence Committee, the Committee for Economic Cooperation and Development and the Committee on Economic Affairs and Energy

Among the signers are Prof. Helga Baumgarten, a German political scientist at Birzeit University; leading members from the Centre for Modern Oriental Studies (ZMO) in Berlin, a leading German research institution on the Middle East; the chairwoman of pax Christi Germany, a Catholic peace organization; former and current employees of German aid and development organizations in Palestine/Israel; leading scholars and journalists specialized in the Middle East; as well as former and current employees of ​various German party-affiliated foundations.

 

Reaching a permanent ceasefire, ending the siege – Creating development perspectives for Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem

 

We, German Middle East experts, are professionally engaged with the development in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. In the areas of science, development cooperation, democracy, peace and human rights we are campaigning in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and in Germany for the creation of an independent democratic state of Palestine, which can live in peace with Israel and its neighbours.

For over a month we have had to witness a destructive war, which shattered all these efforts and will for months to come, possibly years, hinder perspectives for development in the Gaza Strip, reducing hopes for a permanent peace in the Middle East. We condemn the use of force for the realization of political goals. The use of force against civilians is not acceptable, neither from militant Palestinian groups nor from Israel.

In this conflict we are particularly concerned about civilians in Palestine and in Israel, as well as for our partners, colleagues and friends in the Gaza Strip. Like all civilians and their families, they are experiencing a nightmare in that narrow coastal strip from which they cannot flee. The military strikes, to which 1.8 million defenceless people were subjected, have left deep scars and severe traumas with unpredictable long-term consequences. According to the United Nations, half a million people were internally displaced during the war; nearly 2,000 people were killed, more than 10,000 injured, over 15% of the residential buildings and 230 schools were damaged, 25 of which were fully destroyed; the already insufficient infrastructure, water supply and sewage plants and the only power generation plant were partly destroyed by air strikes. The capacities for medical and humanitarian supplies are exhausted, among other reasons because several hospitals and UN facilities were severely damaged by the strikes.

We are working and conducting research on the development in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, which according to international law comprise the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza. Over the past years, exchange between these areas has become increasingly difficult, and the freedom of movement for Palestinians has been massively restricted or almost completely obstructed. This also concerns the employees and the Palestinian partner organizations of the German and international organizations active on the ground, making it nearly impossible for them to carry out their development goals.

Particularly the Gaza Strip has since 2007 been subjected to a completely counterproductive siege which has forced the people into a fatal aid economy devoid of perspectives for development. In 2012, the United Nations issued a report entitled “Gaza in 2020” that concluded that with the continuation of the siege the livelihoods of the rapidly increasing population of currently 1.8 million people will be fully destroyed by that time.

The destructive siege of the Gaza Strip by sea, land and air must be lifted. This can be done under international monitoring, which would guarantee that no weapons can reach the Gaza Strip, so as to satisfy Israel’s legitimate security interests. Israel’s civil society has the right to live without fear. This is equally valid for Palestinians. Nearly 2,000 victims, according to UN estimates around 80% of them civilians, from which – according to UNICEF figures – up to 30% were children, must not be accepted through the claim of a fight against terrorism or the right of self-defence. The predominantly young population of the Gaza Strip (more than half of which is under 18 years old) urgently need perspectives for their future. They need better education, an end of the isolation as well as normalization and stabilization of the economy in the Gaza Strip. This would be an essential contribution towards the safety of the populations on both sides, since a purely military fight against armed groups – who are nurtured by desperation and hopelessness – will remain futile and, as experience has shown, brings about the exact opposite of the desired effect.

The realization of the two-state solution as the best guarantee for the safety of Israel and of Palestine as well as the self-determination of the Palestinians are declared aims of Germany’s foreign policy. To preserve this prospect, it is necessary to put an end to settlement policy in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, to boost the Palestinian presence in East Jerusalem and to lift the siege on Gaza. To that end, the Palestinian transitional government of technocrats, formed in July, which is based on a reconciliation agreement between Fatah and Hamas and which has accepted the so-called “Quartet conditions”, constitutes the legitimate interlocutor and ought to be politically empowered.

Hamas remains, regardless of the activities of its military wing, a popular political party. Dialogue with the political representatives of Hamas should therefore no longer be rejected: the balance sheet of the policy of isolation since its electoral victory of 2006 is sobering. Such a dialogue must include an explicit and direct criticism of Hamas’ unacceptable stance on issues of human rights and women’s rights, as well as the demand to recognize Israel in the framework of a peace agreement containing a binding resolution of the border issue. A precondition is that Hamas, for instance as it did after the previous war in 2012, observes a negotiated permanent ceasefire and refrains from using terrorist acts. Only through political integration and an enduring conflict resolution will it be possible to enforce the demilitarization of its militias for the long term.

Without lifting the siege, there can be no prospect for development for the people of Gaza and no chance for a two-state solution. Without a fundamental change to the status quo, the work of development organizations on the ground, in which some of us are active, is at best limited to short-term emergency aid. Billions of euros, which flow into state building or development, are misguided investments, if they are destroyed during the current or the next, inevitably pending waves of violence. This will chiefly harm the people on the ground. This also constitutes a negligent use of German tax money as well as a misguided approach towards development and democracy work.

We ask you:

  • to commit yourselves to a permanent ceasefire, which prevents further killing of civilians on both sides and offers permanent shelter for the massively threatened, overwhelmingly young civil population in Gaza;
  • to force Egypt and Israel to lift the siege of the Gaza Strip, so as to enable a normalization of the movement of goods and people, thereby guaranteeing Israeli security interests through international observers and assistance;
  • to provide for emergency aid and reconstruction work in Gaza, but not without demanding that Israel fulfil her international legal responsibility as occupying power as regards  reconstruction;
  • to vigorously strengthen the already recognized Palestinian unity government, which was sworn into office in June, and its governance over the Gaza Strip and its ability to act in the entire Palestinian territories including East Jerusalem;
  • to investigate the killing of civilians before and during the attacks on the Gaza Strip, to make an active contribution to an international investigation and to support Palestine joining the International Criminal Court; at the same time to investigate the cases of the destruction of civilian infrastructure (such as the bombing of the only power generation plant in Gaza, sewage plants, hospitals etc.) that has been financed for years by the EU and Germany, and to demand compensation from Israel.
  • to apply the restrictive German arms export regulations to all the parties in the Middle East as well as to put under scrutiny the military cooperation with Israel;
  • to vigorously work towards ending the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories, and to make suggestions to both sides for a conflict resolution that are binding and in conformity with international law.


LIST OF SIGNERS: 
https://sites.google.com/site/nahostexpertengaza/news

Translated from the German original – entitled »Offener Brief von deutschen Nahost-Experten zur Gaza-Krise« – by Phil Butland, edited by Ali Fathollah-Nejad.

Checks on Students Undermine Trust | Universities Being Used as Proxy Border Police, Say Academics

3

British universities have been positioned as central culprits for failing to regulate their intake of foreign students, while rendered dependent on “overseas” student fees because of government funding cuts. A pernicious new turn took place in summer 2012 when London Metropolitan University lost its “highly trusted sponsor” status, to catastrophic effect for students in the middle of their courses. Since then, universities have been preoccupied with managing accountability demanded by UK Visas and Immigration (formerly the UK Border Agency), and, in effect, have become its proxy. Academics at a number of universities in the UK and beyond have now become concerned at this state of affairs, and at the methods used to establish bona fide student status.

We, the undersigned, oppose the acquiescence of Universities UK members in acting as an extension of UKVI, thereby undermining the autonomy and academic freedom of UK universities and trust between academics and their students. We object to the actions of universities which:

• Use mechanisms of pastoral care, such as monitoring of student attendance and meetings with tutors, as mechanisms for monitoring non-EU students, or so-called Tier 4 visa holders, on behalf of UKVI.

• Treat UK/EU and non-EU students differently with regard to determining their ongoing academic standing.

• Construct and deploy systems of monitoring and surveillance such as biometric scanning systems and electronic signing-in mechanisms to single out non-EU students.

• Agree to monitor behaviours that may be unrelated to academic endeavour, and allow this data to be used by UKVI in determining the supposed legitimacy of non-EU students.

We note that UUK released a briefing document on 10 February regarding the House of Lords’ second reading of the immigration bill, in which UUK registers concern that landlords are required to check the immigration status of tenants. We urge UUK to go further and declare its rejection of the practices described above. We call on Universities UK, on behalf of member university vice-chancellors and principals, to oppose the discriminatory treatment of non-EU students in all forms and publicly affirm:

• That the quality of academic work should be the primary criterion for determining academic standing.

• That all students be treated equally regarding their attendance at classes, and that their right to privacy be respected, irrespective of their nationality.

• The right of universities to autonomy in making decisions on progression and retention of non-EU students.

Dr Maha Abdelrahman University of Cambridge
Dr Reem Abou-El-Fadl Durham University
Prof Gilbert Achcar SOAS, University of London
Dr Christine Achinger University of Warwick
Dr Sam Adelman University of Warwick
Prof Nadje Al-Ali SOAS, University of London
Dr Anne Alexander University of Cambridge 
Dr Miranda Alison University of Warwick
Prof Louise Amoore Durham University
Dr Dibyesh Anand University of Westminster
Dr Rainer-Elk Anders Staffordshire University
Dr Walter Armbrust University of Oxford 
Dr Andrew Asibong Birkbeck, University of London
Dr Sara Jane Bailes University of Sussex
Dr Oliver Bakewell University of Oxford
Dr Bahar Baser University of Warwick
Prof Les Back Goldsmiths, University of London
Dr Victoria Basham University of Exeter
Dr Alex Benchimol University of Glasgow
Dr Mette Louise Berg University of Oxford
Prof Gurminder Bhambra University of Warwick
Dr Claire Blencowe University of Warwick
Prof Elleke Boehmer University of Oxford
Dr Maud Bracke University of Glasgow 
Dr Chris Browning University of Warwick 
Dr Lorna Burns University of St Andrews
Prof Ray Bush University of Leeds
Dr Rosie Campbell Birbeck, University of London
Prof Bob S Carter University of Leicester
Prof Nickie Charles University of Warwick
Dr Chris Clarke University of Warwick
Dr Rachel Cohen City University of London
Prof Robin Cohen University of Oxford
Cole Collins University of Glasgow
Prof Christine Cooper University of Strathclyde 
Prof Gordon Crawford University of Leeds
Dr Jonathan Davies University of Warwick 
Dr Ipek Demir University of Leicester 
Prof Thomas Docherty University of Warwick
Prof Toby Dodge LSE
Dr Renske Doorenspleet University of Warwick
Prof Costas Douzinas Birkbeck, University of London
Prof Elizabeth Dowler University of Warwick
Dr Franck Duvell University of Oxford
Jakub Eberle University of Kent
Dr Juanita Elias University of Warwick
Hannah El-Sisi University of Oxford
Safinaz El-Tarouty University of East Anglia
Prof David Epstein FRS University of Warwick
Dr Elizabeth Ewart University of Oxford
Ali Fathollah-Nejad SOAS, University of London
Dr Sara R Farris Goldsmiths, University of London
Prof Robert Fine University of Warwick
Tina Freyburg University of Warwick
Prof Bridget Fowler University of Glasgow
Prof Des Freedman Goldsmiths, University of London
Prof Matthew Fuller Goldsmiths, University of London
Dr Manuela Galetto University of Warwick
Paul Gilroy
Dr Jane Goldman University of Glasgow 
Dr Priyamvada Gopal University of Cambridge 
Dr Toni Haastrup University of Kent
Juliette Harkin University of East Anglia
Dr Sophie Harman Queen Mary, University of London
Dr Oz Hassan University of Warwick
Dr Charlotte Heath-Kelly University of Warwick
Prof John Holloway Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, Mexico 
Prof John Holmwood University of Nottingham
Dr Michael Hrebeniak University of Cambridge 
Dr Aggie Hurst City University of London
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia University of Cambridge 
Prof Engin F Isin The Open University
Matt Jenkins University of Newcastle
Rev Dr Stuart B Jennings University of Warwick
Dr Hannah Jones University of Warwick
Dr Lee Jones Queen Mary, University of London 
Salman Karim University of East Anglia
Prof Rebecca Kay University of Glasgow
Dženeta Karabegovic University of Warwick
Salman Karim University of East Anglia
Dr Sossie Kasbarian University of Lancaster
Dr Nitasha Kaul University of Westminster, London
Prof Rebecca Kay University of Glasgow
Dr Alexander Kazamias University of Coventry
Dr. John Keefe London Metropolitan University
Dr Dominic Kelly University of Warwick
Prof Laleh Khalili SOAS, University of London
Dr Paul Kirby University of Sussex
Dr Nicholas Kitchen LSE 
Dr Maria Koinova University of Warwick 
Dr Alexandra Kokoli Middlesex University
Dr Vassiliki Kolocotroni University of Glasgow
Dr Dennis Leech University of Warwick 
Dr Samantha Lyle University of Oxford
Mr Paddy Lyons University of Glasgow 
Dr William McEvoy University of Sussex
Dr Robert McLaughlan University of Newcastle
Prof Martin McQuillan Kingston University London
Dr Graeme MacDonald University of Warwick
Dr Alice Mah University of Warwick
Dr Maria do Mar Pereira University of Warwick
Prof Philip Marfleet University of East London
Dr Vicky Margree University of Brighton
Dr Robert Maslen University of Glasgow
Dr Lucy Mayblin University of Sheffield 
Dr John Miller University of Sheffield
Dr David Mills University of Oxford
Dr Drew Milne University of Cambridge
Latoya Mistral Ferns University of Warwick and Durham University alumna
Sian Mitchell University of Warwick 
Prof David Mond University of Warwick
Dr Liz Morrish Nottingham Trent University 
Dr Pablo Mukherjee University of Warwick
Roberta Mulas University of Warwick 
Dr Simon Murray University of Glasgow
Ghandy Najla University of East Anglia
Dr Michael Niblett University of Warwick 
Dr Marijn Nieuwenhuis University of Warwick
Dr Patrick O’Connor Nottingham Trent University
Prof Martin O’Shaughnessy Nottingham Trent University
Dr Goldie Osuri University of Warwick
Dr Ian Patterson Queens’ College, Cambridge 
Prof Adam Piette University of Sheffield
Prof Alison Phipps University of Glasgow
Dr Loredana Polezzi University of Warwick 
Dr Nicola Pratt University of Warwick
Dr Rupert Read University of East Anglia
Dr John Regan University of Cambridge
Dr James Riley Corpus Christi College, Cambridge
Dr Stephen Ross University of Victoria, Canada
Dr Chris Rossdale City University of London
Prof Paul Routledge University of Leeds
Andrew Rubens University of Glasgow
Ali Saqer University of Warwick
Prof Derek Sayer Lancaster University
Prof Jan Aart Scholte University of Warwick
Dr Jason Scott-Warren University of Cambridge
Dr Robbie Shilliam Queen Mary University of London
Dr Nando Sigona University of Birmingham
Prof Melanie Simms University of Leicester
Dr Andrew Smith University of Glasgow
Dr Vicki Squire University of Warwick
Dr Samuel Solomon University of Sussex
Dr Nick Srnicek University College London
Maurice Stierl University of Warwick
Dr Mariz Tadros Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex
Dr Jacqueline Sanchez Taylor University of Leicester
Nick Taylor University of Warwick
Prof Olga Taxidou University of Edinburgh
Dr Andrea Teti University of Aberdeen
Lisa Tilley University of Warwick
Lauren Tooker University of Warwick 
Prof Charles Tripp SOAS, University of London
Dr Mandy Turner University of Bradford/Kenyon Institute, Jerusalem
Dr Maria Villares Varela University of Oxford
Dr Vron Ware The Open University
Dr Dave Webber University of Warwick
Dr Polly Wilder University of Leeds
Dr Aaron Winter Abertay University
Dr Nicholas Wright University of East Anglia
Prof Patrick Wright King’s College London
Dr Yoke-Sum Wong Lancaster University

SOURCE

Checks on Students Undermine Trust“, The Guardian, 3 March 2014, p. 29.

* * *

Universities being used as proxy border police, say academics

Academics accuse UK Visas and Immigration of undermining trust between universities and students in crackdown

The Guardian | 3 March 2014 | p. 29

More than 160 academics have written to the Guardian to protest at being used as an extension of the UK border police, after universities have come under more pressure to check the immigration details of students.

The academics, from universities including Oxford, Warwick, Durham and Sheffield, accuse the Home Office immigration agency of “undermining the autonomy and academic freedom of UK universities and trust between academics and their students”.

Unrest has been growing for months as universities have come under more pressure to prove that their students are legitimate, according to the signatories, who say matters took a “pernicious new turn” in summer 2012 when London Metropolitan University briefly lost its trusted sponsor status – a requirement for all institutions wishing to recruit overseas students.

“Since then, universities have been preoccupied with managing accountability demanded by UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI – formerly the UK Border Agency), and in effect have become its proxy,” says the letter. “Academics at a number of universities in the UK and beyond have now become concerned at this state of affairs, and at the methods used to establish bona fide student status.”

Academics are being asked to monitor attendance and in some cases potentially to share emails with UKVI, said Mette Berg, of the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology at Oxford University. “We have a duty of care towards our students, and there is an issue about this undermining the trust between tutor and student. We are not there to be proxy border police.”

A Home Office spokesman defended the reforms to the student visa system, saying they had made the application process more rigorous and less open to abuse.

The academics say the changes come at a time when universities are becoming more reliant on the fees of non-EU students. The letter says: “British universities have been positioned as central culprits for failing to regulate their intake of foreign students, while rendered dependent on overseas student fees because of government funding cuts.”

Nicola Pratt of Warwick University said some vice-chancellors were so concerned about losing their ability to take foreign students there was a danger of checks becoming heavy-handed.

“We are a community of scholars and students, and those students should be judged on the basis of academic merit, not on the basis of their visa status,” she said. “It is a major concern that the government is targeting overseas students as a way of meeting immigration targets, especially as these students are investing a huge amount in thehigher education system.”

The letter calls for an end to the monitoring of students via sessions designed for pastoral care, and for UK, EU and non-EU students to be treated and valued equally. It also asks for Universities UK, an advocacy organisation for universities, to speak out against monitoring students.

“We call on Universities UK, on behalf of member university vice-chancellors and principals, to oppose the discriminatory treatment of non-EU students in all forms and publicly affirm that the quality of academic work should be the primary criterion for determining academic standing,” the letter says.

Nicola Dandridge, chief executive of Universities UK, said it was not acquiescing to the demands of the Home Office but had worked with it to make immigration compliance measures reasonable.

“We have been clear with the Home Office that attendance monitoring should not impact on students’ experience at university nor detract from the UK as a welcoming destination for international students,” she said.

“It is reasonable to expect universities to take responsibility for ensuring that students are engaged with their studies. This applies to all students, and not just international students.”

The Home Office said: “We continue to welcome the brightest and the best students and the latest statistics show that visa applications from university students has risen by 7% in the year ending December 2013. It is only right that universities adhere to the guidance and immigration rules of sponsorship by taking reasonable steps to ensure that every student has permission to be in the UK.”

* * *

PLEASE SIGN

Petition to be delivered to Universities UK (UUK): http://petitions.moveon.org/sign/to-universitiesuk-re?source=s.fwd&r_by=10132489

Appeal: Stop the Violence in Syria – Prevent War!


For the German original, please scroll down.

6 February 2012 | German Section of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW)

Appeal to the Syrian government and the armed opposition as well as to their international supporters

For weeks, there have been an increasing number of reports of escalating violence in Syria. According to the UN, thousands of people have already lost their lives. And according to the international media, various plans already exist and are still being forged for a military intervention by the West.

Yesterday at the Munich Security Conference, Tawakkul Karman, the Yemeni Nobel Peace Prize recipient, justifiably demanded that international measures be taken to protect people in Syria from the escalating violence. Her view of the situation overlooks, however, the fact that Russia and China do not by any means reject such measures. On the contrary, Russia has stated that it would support a UN resolution on Syria if it rules out any external military intervention and demands a halt to violence not only on the part of the Syrian government, but also from the opposition. In contrast to the picture painted by the Western media, the responsibility for yesterday’s failure of the resolution in the UN Security Council should in no way be placed solely with Russian and China, but also to a large extent with the West, which for weeks has consistently rejected a peace-oriented formulation of the resolution.

As members of the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), also a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, we are deeply concerned about the large and growing number of victims of violence in Syria, including a great many individuals not directly involved in the conflict. Numerous physicians, as well others contributing to the care of the injured, are affected. We, as the German section of the IPPNW, also want to raise the alarm about an additional danger. A Western military intervention could set a process in motion that would involve other countries, such a Iran, and thereby lead to a conflagration in the whole region – and one which borders directly with Europe. If NATO becomes involved, this could even result in an open confrontation between the nuclear superpowers.

There is growing evidence that the domestic Syrian conflict, as well as the struggle for democracy and the rule of law, is being increasingly exploited and exacerbated by external players for their own political aims. Apparently, it is not only the Syrian government that has been supported with weapons, in this case provided by Russia, but Syrian rebels, too, have received both large sums of money from Western allied Gulf states as well as weapons from the Turkish NATO base in Incirlik. They have been supported by foreign mercenaries, including some from Libya. Many people in Syria and, in particular, peaceful opposition groups have complained that these developments have destroyed any prospects for peaceful change that have been advanced for years by the reform movement. The result is an ever-greater bloodbath between the parties in this civil war and an increasing number of civilian victims. Those who hold the view that it is legitimate to exacerbate the domestic conflict in Syria in order to bring about regime change in Damascus, make it easier to forment a war with Iran, or even to deprive Russia of its naval base on the Mediterranean, leave themselves open to the accusation that they are involved in the preparation of a war by proxy and thereby are guilty of a crime against humanity.

As members of the physicians’ peace organization IPPNW, we therefore appeal:

  • to NATO and, in particular, to the German government:
    Undertake measures to immediately halt the secret transfer of Western weapons to Syria! Clearly reject all plans for a Western military intervention in Syria! Embargos are also not a solution. Instead, attempt to bring about an agreement with all parties and especially reach out to Russia!
  • to the Russian government:
    Immediately introduce your own resolution proposal to the UN Security Council based on a thoroughgoing peaceful approach. This includes not only refraining from any further arming of the Syrian opposition, but also of the Syrian government. This requires increased efforts to initiate peaceful alternatives, such as international talks with all interested parties to the conflict!
  • to the Arab League:
    Resume your observer mission. And increase its prospects for success by appealing to all participant countries: Similar to the superpowers, please immediately halt all activities that foster violence in Syria and instead promote all possible approaches towards a peaceful solution!
  • to the Syrian government and opposition:
    Distance yourselves from unachievable maximum demands and accept negotiations. Only in this way can you prevent your country from sinking into the bloodbath of a proxy war fuelled by foreign interests! Stop the destruction of your country’s civilian infrastructure and stop all attacks on hospitals, doctors, and other medical personnel!

Physicians fight for peace.
Because war destroys life and health.
And war destroys human rights.
War does not create peace.

The German Section of International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), Nobel Peace Prize recipient for 1985

 

* * *

6. Februar 2012 | Deutsche Sektion der Internationalen Ärzte für die Verhütung des Atomkrieges (IPPNW)

Gewalt in Syrien stoppen – Krieg verhindern!

Appell an die syrische Regierung und die bewaffnete Opposition

Seit Wochen mehren sich die Berichte über eine Eskalation der Gewalt in Syrien. Laut UNO haben dort bereits mehrere tausend Menschen ihr Leben verloren. Und internationalen Medien zufolge werden immer mehr Pläne für eine westliche Militärintervention geschmiedet.

Gestern hat nun die jemenitische Friedensnobelpreisträgerin Tawakkul Karman auf der Münchner Sicherheitskonferenz zu Recht gefordert, internationale Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, um die Menschen in Syrien vor der eskalierenden Gewalt zu schützen. Bei ihrer Sicht auf die Dinge übersieht sie aber, dass Russland und China solche Maßnahmen keineswegs ablehnen. Vielmehr hatte Russland erklärt, es würde der UN-Resolution zu Syrien zustimmen, wenn sie eine Militärintervention von außen ausschließe und nicht nur von der syrischen Regierung, sondern auch von der Opposition Gewaltverzicht fordere. Anders als in den hiesigen Medien dargestellt sind daher für das gestrige Scheitern der Resolution im Weltsicherheitsrat keineswegs nur Russland und China verantwortlich, sondern in hohem Maße der Westen, der seit Wochen einen konsequent friedensorientierten Resolutionswortlaut ablehnt.

Als Mitglieder der internationalen Ärzteorganisation IPPNW (ebenfalls Trägerin des Friedensnobelpreises) sind wir zutiefst besorgt über die immer größere Zahl von Opfern der Gewalt im Lande, darunter eine große Zahl von primär Unbeteiligten. Auch zahlreiche Ärztinnen und Ärzte sowie andere an der Versorgung der vielen Verletzten Beteiligten sind betroffen. Als deutsche Sektion der IPPNW warnen wir aber auch vor einer noch darüber hinaus gehenden Gefahr: Eine westliche Militärintervention kann eine Dynamik in Gang setzen, die weitere Länder wie den Iran erfasst, und schließlich zu einem Flächenbrand der gesamten Region führen – die mit Europa direkt benachbart ist. Wenn die NATO darin verwickelt ist, kann dies letztlich sogar in eine offene Konfrontation zwischen den atombewaffneten Großmächten münden.

Denn es mehren sich die Hinweise, dass die inner-syrischen Konflikte wie der Kampf um Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit zunehmend von externen Akteuren für eigene Machtinteressen benutzt und hierzu geschürt werden: Offenbar wird nicht nur die syrische Regierung von Russland mit Waffen unterstützt. Sondern die Aufständischen erhalten große Geldbeträge aus mit dem Westen verbündeten Golfstaaten und Waffen über die türkische NATO-Basis Incirlik. Sowie Unterstützung von Söldnern aus dem Ausland, etwa aus Libyen. Viele Menschen in Syrien und insbesondere friedliche Teile der Opposition beklagen, dass so die gewaltfreien Perspektiven der seit Jahren fortschreitenden Reformbewegung zerstört werden. Mit der Konsequenz eines immer größeren Blutbades zwischen den Bürgerkriegsparteien und immer mehr auch zivilen Opfern. Wer meint, es sei legitim, durch Schürung der inner-syrischen Konflikte einen pro-westlichen “Regime Change” in Damaskus herbeizuführen, um einen Krieg gegen den Iran leichter führbar zu machen und zugleich Russland seiner Marinebasis am Mittelmeer zu berauben, muss sich den Vorwurf der Vorbereitung eines Stellvertreterkrieges und damit eines Verbrechens gegen die Menschlichkeit gefallen lassen.

Als Mitglieder der ärztlichen Friedensorganisation IPPNW appellieren wir daher:

– an die NATO und insbesondere an die deutsche Bundesregierung:
Sorgen Sie umgehend für die Unterbindung des heimlichen Transfers westlicher Waffen nach Syrien! Erteilen Sie allen Plänen für eine westliche Militärintervention in Syrien eine klare Absage! Auch Embargos sind keine Lösung. Suchen Sie stattdessen die Verständigung mit allen Beteiligten und gehen Sie hierzu insbe-sondere auch auf Russland zu!

– an die russische Regierung:
Bringen Sie jetzt umgehend Ihrerseits einen Resolutionsentwurf in den Weltsicherheitsrat ein, der konsequent friedensorientiert ist. Dies schließt ein, nicht nur die weitere Bewaffnung der syrischen Opposition abzulehnen, sondern auch die der syrischen Regierung. Und erfordert verstärkte Anstrengungen für die Schaffung friedlicher Alternativen wie internationale Gespräche mit allen Konflikt- und Interessenparteien!

– an die Arabische Liga:
Nehmen Sie Ihre Beobachtermission wieder auf. Und stärken sie deren Erfolgsaussichten durch einen Appell an Ihre Mitgliedsländer: Ebenso wie die Großmächte mögen sie umgehend alle Aktivitäten unterbinden, die die Gewalt in Syrien schüren, und stattdessen alle denkbaren Ansätze für eine friedliche Lösung fördern!

– an die syrische Regierung und Opposition:
Rücken Sie von unerfüllbaren Maximalforderungen ab und akzeptieren Sie Verhandlungen. Verhindern Sie so, dass Ihr Land im Blutbad eines von äußeren Interessen angeheizten Stellvertreterkrieges versinkt! Beenden Sie die Zerstörung der zivilen Infrastruktur Ihres Landes und beenden Sie alle Angriffe auf Krankenhäuser, Ärzte und anderes medizinisches Personal!
Ärzte kämpfen für Frieden.
Denn Krieg zerstört Leben und Gesundheit.
Und Krieg zerstört Menschenrechte.
Krieg schafft keinen Frieden.
Deutsche Sektion der Internationalen Ärzte für die Verhütung des Atomkrieges (IPPNW) Friedensnobelpreis 1985

The appeal is also available in Spanish and Persian.

 

The appeal can be signed here.

 

Weil wir Frieden wollen, müssen wir die Politik in die eigenen Hände nehmen

Wir leben in einer Zeit größter Verunsicherung durch die dramatische weltweite Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise, verbunden mit Demokratieabbau und der Androhung neuer Kriege. Als Rechtfertigung für militärische Interventionen
werden humanitäre Ziele vorgeschoben.

Den wirtschaftlich und politisch Herrschenden müssen Kriegsabenteuer wie in Afghanistan, Irak und Libyen unmöglich gemacht werden. Militärischen Interventionen gegen Syrien und den Iran widersetzen wir uns.

Wir fordern den sofortigen und bedingungslosen Abzug der Bundeswehr aus Afghanistan und von allen anderen Auslandseinsätzen. Wa ffenexporte sind zu verbieten. Der konfliktreiche Nahe und Mittlere Osten ist in eine atomwaffenfenfreie Zone umzuwandeln. Atomwaffen müssen weltweit vernichtet werden.

Wir stellen uns dem Werben für Militär und Krieg entgegen. Es ist für uns unerträglich, dass Krieg wieder als Fortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln gelten soll. Wir bestehen auf der Einhaltung des Völkerrechts und der UNO-Charta mit ihrem strikten Gewaltverbot. Angesichts unserer Geschichte sehen wir uns in besonderem Maße zur Wachsamkeit verpflichtet. Das schließt den Kampf gegen Rassismus, Neonazismus, Antisemitismus und Islamfeindlichkeit mit ein. Wir wollen Frieden, Solidarität, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Demokratie und ökologische Vernunft
durchsetzen.

 

QUELLE

Frankfurter Rundschau, 24. Dezember 2011;

Neues Deutschland, 24. Dezember 2011;

junge Welt, 24. Dezember 2011.

 

Statement: Scholars, Academicians, Journalists, and Activists Condemn Murder of Iranian Technical and Scientific Experts

 

On January 12, 2012, a bomb ripped apart a car in Tehran, killing Iranian scientist Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan and his driver, and injuring several others. In the past two years, four other Iranian scientists have been killed in a similar manner. By now, it is clear that this is a systematic campaign with political intentions. Media reports and political pundits attribute Mr. Ahmadi’s killing to targeted assassinations by those opposed to Iran’s nuclear program, both within and outside Iran, or internal factional fighting.

If public reports are true that these assassinations are orchestrated by foreign powers in order to prevent Iran’s ability to go forward with its nuclear capabilities, then we petition those powers to stop these assassinations – a tactic replacing political engagement with covert operations at the expense of innocent civilians. These assassinations provide the Iranian authorities with ample excuse to continue to suppress voices of dissent, even on the Iranian nuclear issue, to arrest and imprison political opposition, and to further curtail the activities of human rights activists.

As academicians, writers, human rights activists, and intellectuals, we condemn these attacks on civilian scientists. Such terrorist actions can only escalate the internal tension and regional conflicts toward a military clash or war. Regardless of where we stand on Iran’s nuclear program, we find these assassinations outrageous because they target technical or scientific elements of a society without due consideration for human rights, due process of international and national laws, and lives of innocent individuals caught in the crossfire.

These types of killings have to stop, not only because they harm a nation’s scientific community and its civilians, but also because they build a deep psychological scar on the nation’s public mind prompting it to ask for revenge in kind. We hope we are living in a better world than that. Killing innocent or even allegedly guilty people without consideration for their human rights and due process, by any force or government anywhere and anytime, is an outrageous act to be protested by all. If covert targeted assassinations of opponents become the order of the day, no one will be safe in this world.

 

01. Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, SOAS, University of London
02. Masih Alinejad, Journalist
03. Asieh Amini, Journalist and Human Rights Activist
04. Fariba Amini, Independent Journalist and Writer
05. Hooshang Amirahmadi, Professor, Rutgers University
06. Richard P. Appelbaum, Professor of Sociology, University of California at Santa Barbara
07. Rahim Bajoghli, Human Rights Activist
08. Darioush Bayandor, historian, author
09. Asef Bayat, Professor, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign
10. Iris Bazing, MD, Baltimore, Maryland
11. Maria Bennett, Poet, New Jersey, USA
12. Mohammad Borghei, Strayer University.
13. Mehrzad Boroujerdi, Professor, Syracuse University
14. Juan Cole, Professor, University of Michigan
15. Shirindokht Daghighian, Independent Scholar & Author
16. Mehrdad Darvishpour, Lecturer at the Malardalen University, Sweden
17. Lucia F. Dunn, Professor of Economics, Ohio State University
18. Goudarz Eghtedari, Ph.D., Voices of the Middle East
19. Mohammad Eghtedari, Economist, Washington, DC
20. Nader Entessar, Professor of Political Science, University of South Alabama
21. Amir Fassihi, Nowruz Foundation for Nonviolence, CA
22. John Foran, Professor of Sociology, University of California, Santa Barbara
23. Ali Fathollah-Nejad, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
24. Yoshie Furuhashi, Editor, MRZine
25. Alexandra Gallin-Parisi, Professor, Trinity University
26. Amir Hossein Ganjbakhsh, Senior Investigator, National Institute of Health, Bethesda, MD
27. Reza Goharzad, Journalist, Los Angeles
28. John L Graham, Professor Emeritus, University of California, Irvine
29. Hossein Hamedani, Professor, Marquette University, Milwaukee, WI
30. Nader Hashemi, Professor, University of Denver
31. Esmail Hejazifar, Professor of Physics, Wilmington College, Ohio
32. Paula Hertel, Professor of Psychology, Trinity University, San Antonio, TX
33. Mohsen Heydareian, Ph. D, Political Science, Sweden
34. Fredun Hojabri, Retired Professor of Sharif (Aryamehr) Univeristy of Technology
35. Angie Hougas, Human Rights Activists, McFarland, WI
36. Noushin Izadifar Hart, M.D., Radiation Oncologist, Reston, Virginia
37. Azadeh Jahanbegloo, Sociologist, Wright State University, Ohio
38. Jahanshah Javid, Editor, Iranian.com
39. Hasan Javadi, Retired Professor of Persian Language, University of California, Berkeley
40. Mark C. Johnson, Executive Director, Fellowship of Reconciliation, NY
41. Yahya Kamalipour, Chair, Global Communication Association, Purdue University
42. Aziz Karamloo, MD, Faculty Member, University of California, Los Angeles
43. Mahmood Karimi-Hakak, Professor of Theatre and Film, Siena College, NY
44. Liam Kennedy, Community Board Member,CCPB, UC, Irvine
45. Fatemeh Keshavarz, Professor, Washington University, St. Louis
46. Nanette Le Coat, Associate Professor, Modern Languages and Literatures, Trinity University
47. Arturo Madrid, Professor, Trinity University
48. Ali Akbar Mahdi, Professor Emeritus, Ohio Wesleyan University
49. Azita Mashayekhi, Industrial Hygienist, International Brotherhood of Teamsters
50. Rudi Matthee, Distinguished Professor of Middle Eastern history, University of Delaware
51. Farzaneh Milani, Professor, University of Virginia
52. Yaser Mirdamadi, Independent Scholar
53. Ziba Mir-Hosseini, CMEIL, School of Oriental and African Studies
54. Ida Mirzaie, Ohio State University
55. Valentine M. Moghadam, Professor of Sociology, Northeastern University
56. Mahmood Monshipouri, Professor, San Francisco State University
57. Akbar Montaser, Professor, Department of Chemistry ,George Washington University
58. Reza Mousoli, Canterbury Christ Church University, UK
59. Baquer Namazi, Retired UNICEF Country Representative & Civil Society Activist
60. Arash Naraghi, Assistant Professor of Religion and Philosophy, Moravian College
61. Mohamad Navab, University of California, Los Angeles
62. Farrokh Negahdar, Political Analyst
63. Mohammad-Reza Nikfar, Independent Scholar and Philosopher
64. Azam Niroomand-Rad, Professor Emeritus, Georgetown University Medical Center
65. Farhad Nomani, Professor of Economics, American University of Paris
66. Mehdi Noorbaksh, Associate Professor, Harrisburg University of Science & Technology
67. Trita Parsi, President, National Iranian American Council, Washington, DC
68. Richard T. Peterson, Professor of Philosophy, Michigan State University
69. Davood Rahni, Professor of Chemistry, Pace University, New York
70. Farhang Rajaee, Professor, Carleton University
71. Asghar rastegar, MD, Professor of Medicine, Yale School of Medicinek
72. Thomas M. Ricks, Ph.D., Independent Scholar
73. Mahmoud Sadri, Professor of Sociology, Texas Woman’s University
74. Muhammad Sahimi, Professor, University of Southern California in Los Angeles
75. Hamid Salek, D.D.S. University of Southern California , Los Angeles
76. Reza Sarhangi, Professor, Department of Mathematics, Towson University
77. Mehrdad F. Samadzadeh, University of Toronto
78. Gabriel Sebastian, Author, Futurist
79. Ali Shakeri, Community Board Member, CCPB, UC, Irvine
80. Evan Siegel, Ph.D., Independent Researcher on Iran & Azerbaijan, Adj. Mathematics Prof., CUNY
81. Arman Shirazi, Senior Scientist, CSM North America
82. Sussan Siavoshi, Professor, Trinity University
83. Mark D. Stansbery, Iran Action Network
84. Sussan Tahmasebi, Women’s Rights Activist
85. Mohamad Tavakoli-Targhi, Univeristy of Toronto
86. Bahram Tavakolian, Willamette University
87. Farideh Tehrani, Ph.D., Middle Eastern Studies Librarian, Rutgers University, NJ
88. Mary Ann Tetreault, Cox Distinguished Professor of International Affairs, Trinity University
89. Nayereh Tohidi, Professor, California State University, Northridge
90. Patricia Trutty-Coohill, Professor of Art History, Siena College, NY
91. Farzin Vahdat, Research Associate at Vassar College
92. Bill Wolak, Poet, New Jersey, USA
93. Leila Zand, Program Director, Middle East Civilian Diplomacy, Fellowship of Reconciliation
94. Hamid Zangeneh, Professor, Widener University

 

SOURCE

The original English version [pdf]:

Translations in Persian:

  • Akhbare Rooz (Iranian Political Bulletin), 16 January 2012;
  • iran-emrooz.net, 16 January 2012;
  • Shahrgon (“the first and the largest publication for Persian speaking in western Canada”), 16 January 2012.

Translation in French:

 

“The children of Adam are made of a substance” Protecting the Iranian civil society

The children of Adam are made ​​from a substance,

conceived as members of a womb of creation.

Once an injury happens only one of these links,

then his pain sounds immediately reflected in them all.

A person who comes to the plight of the people not brothers,

does not deserve that, he still leads the human name.

– Sa’adi (1210 – 1290)

If we speak out against the threat of violence from outside of Iran (the nuclear conflict) and warn against an air attack, we can not remain silent in the use of force in Iran, even against their own civil society. For the solidarity with civil society and peace in the region constitute the main objective of our effort. If we condemn the sanctions against the Iranian people from abroad, we condemn all the more domestic sanctions against peaceful demonstrators, journalists, trade unionists, professors, students, etc. This is beyond the government and its own domestic base against the foreign threat.

We want not only individually but also as a group of dedicated scientists of our strong protest against the brutal suppression of demonstrations and mass arrests against the manifest and peaceful dialogue with civil society urge. We urge the Iranian government to release all political prisoners in recent weeks, including all of the professors, and even with these qualify as moderators of the Civil Society Forum. Freedom of expression and right to protest – the cornerstone of Iran also signed the UN Charter of Human Rights – are now massively violated in Iran.

We recall that the built-up against Iran and the siege continued threat of force once again lead to a fatal way just how much by the scope for democratic development will be curtailed.

At the same time we oppose the unobjective and monopolizing representation of recent events in Iran in several German and international media. As a supporter of the Iranian civil society, we want to emphasize the genuine nature of the protests of the Iranian democracy movement. The protesters, who put together from all walks of life set, up for free elections and free speech.

On the other hand, produced some surprise, that even those who campaigned for crippling sanctions and preemptive war against Iran, by which civil society would have had to suffer, suddenly talking about solidarity with the Iranian people. You will only be convincing if you used even against the sanctions and threats of violence and for peaceful dialogue in the region.

Signees:

 

First Dr. Behrooz Abdolvand, Free University Berlin & Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII (Campaign Against Sanctions and Military Intervention in Iran)

Second Professor Gilbert Achcar, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London

Third Dr. Arshin Adib-Moghaddam, School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London

4th Dipl.-Ing. Ahgary Ahmad, a founder member of the Association of Iranian scientists and engineers (Vini) in the Federal Republic of Germany, Berlin

5th Prof. Dr. Mohammad Ala, Persian Gulf and Iran Heritage Task Force

6th Tariq Ali, author, London

7th Dr. Katajun Amirpur, Jesuit School of Philosophy in Munich

8th Dr. Matin Baraki, University of Marburg & Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII

9th Angelika Beer, MEP and former ex-president of the Iranian delegation of the European Parliament

10th Reiner Braun, lawyers against nuclear weapons (IALANA) & Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII

11th Prof. Dr. Dr. hc Hans-Peter Dürr, Alternative Nobel Laureate 1987 & Patron Munich International Peace Conference

12th Prof. Hamid Dabashi, Columbia University, New York

13th Professor Abbas Edalat, Imperial College London & Campaign Against Sanctions and Military Intervention in Iran (CASMII)

14th Ali Fathollah-Nejad, University of Muenster & Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII

15th Prof. Dr. Sasan Fayazmanesh, California State University, Fresno

16th Prof. Dr. Ali Gorji, University of Muenster

17th Prof. Dr. Kai Hafez University of Erfurt

18th Homeira Heidary, head of the “Panorama Hindu Kush” festival, Cologne Film House

19th Foaad Khosmood, University of California, Santa Cruz & CASMII International Steering Committee

20th Prof. Dr. Mohsen Massarrat, University of Osnabrück & Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII

21st Naz Massoumi, Campaign Iran, London

22nd Prof. Dr. Georg Meggle, University of Leipzig

23rd Prof. Pirouz Mojtahed-Zadeh, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran & Urosevic Research Foundation, London

24th Daniel M. Pourkesali, U.S. Campaign Against Sanctions and CEO of Military Intervention in Iran (CASMII)

25th Prof. Dr. Ahad Rahmanzadeh, University of Bonn and Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII

26th Sanaz Raji, University of Leeds & London School of Economics and Political Science

27th Päd Jürgen Rose, lieutenant colonel of the Bundeswehr, Munich

28th Prof. Dr. Werner Ruf, University of Kassel & Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII

29th Tobias Pflüger, ex-MEP (Left) & Chief Information Agency on Militarisation (IMI) eV, Tübingen

30th Dr. Nader Sadeghi, George Washington University Hospital, Washington, DC

31st Prof. Dr. Muhammad Sahimi, University of Southern California, Los Angeles

32nd Dr. Sabine Schiffer, founder and director of the Institute for Media Responsibility (IDF), Erlangen

33rd Dr. Yvonne Schmidt, University of Graz & Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII

34th Miriam Shabafrouz, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg

35th Ali Shakeri, a board member of the Center for Citizen Peacebuilding, University of California, Irvine

36th Siba Shakib, author and movie producer

37th Professor Albert Stahel, Zurich University and Scientific Advisory Board of CASMII

38th Dr. Rainer Werning, a political scientist and journalist, Frechen

39th Kaveh Yazdani, University of Osnabrück

40th Azadeh Zamirirad, University of Potsdam

 

SOURCE

The statement was signed by the German daily newspaper Junge Welt (08./09.08.2009, p 8) and New Germany (published 06.08.2009, p 2, in part) as well as online at ZNet Germany in (07/08/2009) Magazine the life of the house Swabian Alb (09.08.2009) and the Palestine-portal (13/08/2009).

The English translation was published in Monthly Review Webzine (05.08.2009), ZNet (07/08/2009), Informed Comment (08.08.2009), PULSE (09.08.2009), Payvand Iran News (09/08/2009), Revista Amauta ( 14.08.2009), Iranian.com (14/08/2009), Campaign Iran (15/08/2009) and was an excerpt in The Arabist (08.08.2009) documents as well as on the blog of the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), niacINsight (09.08 .2009), linked.

Last updated list of signatories: 14 August 2009.

SOURCE

The statement apeared on Monthly Review Webzine (08.05.2009), ZNet (07.08.2009), Informed Comment (08/08/2009), PULSE (09/08/2009), Payvand Iran News (09/08 / 2009), as documented extract on The Arabist (08/08/2009) and linked at the blog of the National Iranian American Council (NIAC), niacINsight (09/08/2009).

The German original statement was published by the German dailies young world (08-09/08/2009, p. 8) and New Germany (06/08/2009, p. 2, excerpts), and online at ZNet Germany (07 / 08/2009), The Palestine Portal (08.13.2009) and the online magazine of the home life Swabian Alb (09/08/2009).

Last update of the list of signatures: 14 August 2009.